What Kind of Crisis Leader are You?

Karen Linkletter Ph.D.

PUBLISHED:

September 24, 2022


Thirteen years ago in September, I was diagnosed with breast cancer. It was a complete shock, as I had no family history of it and was, I thought, perfectly healthy. I was told I would probably not need chemo after my surgery, which took place one month later. After the oncologist obtained more information from the tumor samples, it turned out the cancer was much more aggressive than he originally believed. Chemo was next up. The journey to remission was one such surprise after another; every time I thought we were out of the woods a new complication arose. My strategy for coping was to imagine myself every morning donning a pair of boxing gloves and duking it out with whatever villain cancer threw my way.

Since the COVID-19 pandemic, there are countless articles on crisis leadership. Studies point to the importance of resilience in individuals and organizations, the role of communication and information, empathy or compassion as a component – the body of work in this area is enormous. We will likely be thinking and learning about crisis leadership for quite a while in the wake of this once-in-a-generation event. 

I got thinking about this topic of crisis management not because of the pandemic, but because of the realization that there are many different kinds of crises, and also many different possible ways to respond (more than one of which can be effective). The passing of Queen Elizabeth also made me think about the phrase “stiff upper lip,” the stoicism and determination in the face of adversity often attributed to the British. I suppose my psychological boxing match with cancer reflects a similar kind of response; I can also see why such a response seems aloof, callous, and heartless to some. 


What is your personal style of response to a crisis? What is your most natural inclination? Does it transfer from your individual personal life to your style of leadership with others? Is it helpful to have a range of ways to respond to crisis, particularly in the face of different kinds of crises? 

 

Peter Drucker called leadership a “foul-weather job”: 


The most important task of an organization’s leader is to anticipate crisis. Perhaps not to avert it, but to anticipate it. To wait until the crisis hits is already abdication. One has to make the organization capable of anticipating the storm, weathering it, and in fact, being ahead of it. That is called innovation, constant renewal. You cannot prevent a major catastrophe, but you can build an organization that is battle-ready, that has high morale and also has been through a crisis, knows how to behave, trusts itself, and where people trust one another. In military training, the first rule is to instill soldiers with trust in their officers, because without trust they won’t fight” (Drucker, 1990, p. 9). 

 

Drucker uses battle imagery to describe crisis leadership. How do you get people in your organization to be “battle ready”? Make sure that the organization is ahead of the curve to the best of its ability (isn’t blindsided, if possible). The timing and nature of the COVID-19 pandemic could not have been foreseen; however, SARS, MERS, and other virus outbreaks taught us (to some degree) that public health events were possible. But perhaps the most important message Drucker conveys is the importance of trust; people must not only trust leadership, but must also trust one another (and, I would add, themselves). Even in the face of limited information and rapidly changing data and events, a battle-ready organization is willing to fight together because there is trust at all levels. They trust leadership’s integrity, honesty, and capability. They trust each other’s ability, dedication, and perseverance. And, importantly, they trust in their own individual capabilities to execute the work that needs to be done and to be willing to take risks. In other words, we all put on the gloves because we know we did our training and are able to perform to the best of our ability – even in the face of a relatively unknown opponent. 


This sort of military language related to crisis management and leadership can lead to somewhat gendered views of effective reactions to crises. The phrase “Keep calm and carry on” was originally used on a poster to motivate the British at the beginning of the Second World War, but it became associated with Queen Elizabeth as the reigning monarch and symbol of British resiliency. Angela Merkel’s leadership of Germany during the pandemic was widely praised for her clear communication of information and her cautious, unemotional, and analytic tone; one scholarly work notes that Merkel refrained from using war metaphors in her framing of the pandemic. During and after the 2016 presidential campaign, media coverage dissected Hillary Clinton’s lack of emotion or warmth, or any expression of feeling. This focus on women’s emotionality – or lack thereof – may result in the “stiff upper lip” style of crisis management that may appear cold. 


A similar sentiment to this gendered, military style view of crisis management was attributed to President John F. Kennedy’s father, Joseph Kennedy. “When the going gets tough, the tough get going” was a Kennedy family saying used to rally the team in the face of adversity. “Toughness” can be viewed in a number of ways, from physical strength and endurance to emotional resilience. In cultures with a strong Protestant history (Germany, the United States, Great Britain), this association between hard work and morality, virtue, and success is deeply ingrained. Sociologist Max Weber famously wrote on the role of the Protestant work ethic and its impact on the drive for capitalism and economic success. The willingness to subordinate immediate gratification for future rewards in large part fuels “toughness,” particularly in the face of adversity. 


But different kinds of crises warrant different kinds of responses, particularly when they involve leading people.  We have so much new research to digest. The importance of resilience is clear in most research on crisis management. How to implement that in organizations is a challenge, given that some people are more resilient than others. Research in the area of public health is showing us how this might work in organizations, not just during a pandemic. How can we, for example, actually use periods of disruption to encourage new relationships and provide a period of adjustment to extreme change? This would involve breathing room. If the building is on fire, we can’t do this. But if we are trying to grapple with big uncertainty, this might be a wonderful insight.  We are also learning that, while vision is important, the harder, in-the-trenches work of making sense of what is happening in the moment is equally important (“holding” in psychological terms). This does not involve “toughness” or “a stiff upper lip.” It involves explaining and making sense in a way that taps into emotion and uncertainty. Angela Merkel embodied this during the pandemic. 

Psychologist Angela Duckworth’s 2013 book, Grit: The Power of Passion and Perseverance, sparked a discussion about the qualities that lead to success. Her experience as a management consultant, educator, and psychology researcher resulted in her conclusion that persistence in the face of adversity, fueled by passion and clear, high-level goals, are the drivers of success. Her primary point is that talent alone does not dictate achievement. The concept of “grit” has taken on social meaning, particularly in America, where the story of achievement through “hard work” and “pulling oneself up by one’s bootstraps” has deep roots. This keys into the cultural ground of “toughness.” Those who have trouble adapting to change, particularly during the pandemic, are sometimes accused of lacking “grit.” 


Finally, there is the literature on empathetic vs. compassionate leadership. In a crisis, it may be a mistake to be empathetic; there is no time to truly feel everyone’s situation and connect. But one can be compassionate. Compassion moves empathy (feeling) to a position of action (helping). 

Each crisis demands an assessment of the leadership style needed. My cancer battle was my own; I just had to lead myself (although many of my friends responded very emotionally, as cancer forces others to think about their own mortality). When I had to deal with a very sick horse in the heat last month, it was a boxing glove moment; the tough get going and get that horse back on its feet, hose it down, get it walking, give it electrolytes, monitor its activity, and stay up long enough to make sure it’s stable. Emotional sensitivity won’t help the horse. But the owner was understandably worried and emotional, and I probably could have done a better job of being compassionate in the moment. After the horse was in the clear, I let myself be empathetic. I apologized to the owner for my “stiff upper lip” boxing glove approach to the situation. She understood, speaking of her mother-in-law talking about “putting on her boxing gloves” when dealing with a difficult situation. 


In a team situation, when the going gets tough, we may need to make room for adjustment and take time. The horse isn’t in distress. The building isn’t on fire. But we need to move smartly and quickly – often with limited information. We may need to exhibit empathy at times, listening closely. Sometimes we need to go to battle, putting on those gloves, or mobilizing for the fight as a team. At other times, we need to regroup, allow emotions to connect us. As Drucker reminds us, the most important component of crisis leadership is trust: in leadership, in each other, and in ourselves. 

 

 

Drucker, Peter F. (1990). Managing the NonProfit Organization. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. 

Duckworth, Angela (2016). Grit: The Power of Passion and Perseverance. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform. 

Gavin, Matt (2019). “How to Become a more Resilient Leader.” Harvard Business School Online, December 17 https://online.hbs.edu/blog/post/resilient-leadership#:~:text=Building%20resilience%20is%20vital%20to,%2C%20peers%2C%20and%20direct%20reports 

Hougaard, Rasmus, Carter, Jacqueline, Afton, Melissa (2021). “Connect with Empathy, but Lead with Compassion.” Harvard Business Review, December 23 https://hbr.org/2021/12/connect-with-empathy-but-lead-with-compassion 

Kneuer, Marianne and Wallaschek, Stefan (2022). “Framing COVID-19: Public Leadership and Crisis Communication By Chancellor Angela Merkel During the Pandemic in 2020.” German Politics, March 10 2022 https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09644008.2022.2028140 

Petriglieri, Gianpiero (2020). “The Psychology Behind Effective Crisis Leadership.” Harvard Business Review, April 22 https://hbr.org/2020/04/the-psychology-behind-effective-crisis-leadership 

Teo, Winnie L., Lee, Mary, Lim, Wee-Shiong (2017). “The relational activation of resilience model: How leadership activates resilience in an organizational crisis.” Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management, Sep. 25 (3), 136-147 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7166971/ 

Weber, Max (1905). The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. English Edition (1930), Talcott Parsons and R.H. Tawney, Trans. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd. 

 


By Richard Johnson Ph.D. December 17, 2025
This essay was inspired by an article recently published by Karen Linkletter and Pooya Tabesh (2025). They were in search of the meaning of “decision” in the works of Peter Drucker. To this end, they used Python to identify and locate all the times the word, “decision”, came up in Peter Drucker’s oeuvre . They then characterized the contexts (“themes”) in which the word came up. The result was a nuanced but very clear characterization of the evolution of his thinking on the topic. Here, we will focus on a key theme for Drucker: the case where your decisions involve other people’s decisions and actions . For present purposes, we can start with their statement: One of Drucker’s valuable contributions to the literature on decision-making is his adamance that implementation be built into the decision-making process.” (Linkletter and Tabesh 2025 8) To be clear, “…it is not a surprise that his integration of implementation of and commitment to decisions is part of his process of decision-making. He argues that a decision “has not been made until it has been realized in action.” (2025 8) The question, therefore, is how to make this happen, how to turn an organization from an aggregate of individuals whose decisions may or may not be aligned, into an agent—an entity that makes decisions, implements them, and then ascertains that what was done was, in fact, what was decided, as we try to do when making purely individual decisions. Let’s look at the matter more closely… A few years ago, I read a story about a road crew that was painting a double-yellow line on a highway. In their path was a dead raccoon that had been hit by a car or truck. It was lying right in the middle of the road. The crew didn’t stop. Someone later took a picture of the dead raccoon with a double-yellow line freshly painted right over it. The picture is below. It went viral on the Internet.
By Robert Kirkland Ph.D. December 17, 2025
When Paul Polman became CEO of Unilever in 2009, he did not inherit a troubled company. He stepped into a large global enterprise with familiar consumer brands that sat on shelves in cities from Amsterdam to Manila. Even with that scale and reach, the business rested on foundations that were beginning to crack. Public faith in multinational firms was fading, climate change was moving from a distant worry to a financial reality, and investors were increasingly locked into the rhythm of quarterly results that encouraged short term decisions and discouraged real strategy. Polman’s answer was surprisingly philosophical for a leader of such a company. Rather than defend profitability as the central corporate purpose, he attempted to redefine what the company was for. His response may suggest a contemporary expression of Peter Drucker’s idea of Management as a Liberal Art. Drucker described management as a moral undertaking that must be anchored in judgment, responsibility, and service, not only in efficiency or cost control. Redefining Corporate Purpose Soon after taking the role, Polman stunned many investors by ending quarterly earnings guidance. He went further and encouraged investors who focused only on short term returns to place their money elsewhere (Polman and Winston, 2021). The gesture appears to have been meant to reset the company’s relationship with financial markets. Drucker consistently argued that true leadership cannot be tied to the emotional fluctuations of short term financial reporting. By refusing to follow the ninety day cycle, Polman gave Unilever enough breathing space to think about long term issues. He also sent a powerful message inside the company. Unilever would no longer place shareholder extraction above every other consideration. Drucker might say that Polman was returning management to a place where purpose and meaning had priority. Drucker had long argued that institutions must be run for durability and social legitimacy, not just for quarterly outcomes (Drucker, 1946). The Unilever Sustainable Living Plan In 2010, Polman introduced the Unilever Sustainable Living Plan, which attempted to grow the company while reducing its environmental footprint (Unilever, 2010). The plan contained measurable goals for carbon emissions, water use, waste, sustainable sourcing, health, hygiene, nutrition, and economic livelihoods in the supply chain (Unilever, 2018). This was not presented as charity. It was presented as the business model itself. This approach fits well with Drucker’s view that a company must justify its existence through contributions to the common good (Drucker, 1946). Polman noted that a company serving billions of consumers could not thrive in a world marked by climate disruption, fragile supply chains, and social instability (Polman and Winston, 2021). He reframed sustainability as a competitive requirement. There are many examples of how this mindset influenced operations, such as targeted efforts to stabilize incomes for small farming communities or reduce water dependency in detergent production. Drucker would likely describe this approach as a return to institutional citizenship, which is the idea that power involves obligation (Drucker, 1989 and 1993). Human Dignity in Management Drucker believed that effective management is inseparable from human dignity. He argued that organizations must offer people both identity and contribution (Drucker, 1946). Polman appeared to take this to heart. Under his leadership, Unilever pushed for higher wages, safer working conditions, and expanded training programs across its vast networks of suppliers and small scale producers (Unilever, 2018). He also shifted language in a revealing way. Polman preferred speaking about farmers and families rather than vendors and suppliers (Polman and Winston, 2021). This change hinted at a deeper moral view of business. It positioned Unilever as a partner invested in the stability of the people who provided its raw materials. That reading fits closely with the idea of management as a liberal art, which sees leadership as an act of stewardship for the growth of people, not just the supervision of tasks (Drucker, 1989). Climate Leadership and Ethical Risk Management Drucker warned that management cannot be reduced to engineering efficiency. Managing also requires wrestling with consequences (Drucker, 1990). Polman pressed Unilever to treat climate risk as a direct business issue. He connected environmental damage to cost volatility, to consumer trust, and to the company’s long term future. Under his leadership, Unilever accelerated its use of renewable energy, sustainable materials, lighter packaging, and lower water use in many products (Unilever, 2010 and 2018). Polman’s climate agenda blended science, logistics, ethics, psychology, and an understanding of global politics. Drucker described this type of synthesis as central to Management as a Liberal Art. Responsible executives, he argued, must integrate many forms of knowledge into decisions (Drucker, 1989 and 1993). Polman framed sustainability as fiduciary responsibility rather than philanthropy. His influence is still visible in the way many global firms now treat environmental commitments as strategy rather than charity. This framing closely reflects Drucker’s view that corporate social responsibility must be rooted in a firm’s core mission, capabilities, and day-to-day operations rather than treated as a separate act of goodwill. By embedding sustainability into Unilever’s strategy and value chain, Polman demonstrated Drucker’s argument that responsible management integrates social obligations into how the business competes and performs, allowing ethical action and profitability to reinforce rather than undermine one another. Reviving Stakeholder Capitalism Polman helped restore credibility to the idea of stakeholder capitalism. He insisted that corporations must serve employees, consumers, suppliers, communities, and the environment rather than focus only on investor returns (Polman and Winston, 2021). He also pushed Unilever to evaluate brand performance partly through its social or health impact (Unilever, 2018). Under this model, brand equity included moral equity. This aligns with Drucker’s view that corporate legitimacy must be earned and never assumed (Drucker, 1989). For Polman, consumer trust was a survival requirement. When customers believe that a firm contributes to a worsening world, the company risks losing not just reputation but also the permission to operate (Drucker, 1990). Moral Leadership and Institutional Courage Polman spoke in moral terms more openly than most executives. He frequently challenged governments that fell short on climate commitments and he encouraged other business leaders to adopt fair labor standards and responsible tax behavior (Polman and Winston, 2021). Drucker argued that real authority is moral before it is positional. Polman’s conduct fits that idea well (Drucker, 1989 and 1990).  Inside the company, Polman asked employees to see themselves as contributors to social improvement and not merely as managers of brands or operations (Unilever, 2010). This practice reflects MLA. Drucker believed that people should find meaning and contribution through their work, not only wages (Drucker, 1989). Performance, Profit, and Purpose Some critics argue that purpose oriented leadership reduces profitability. Polman countered this by pointing to performance. During his tenure, Unilever posted steady growth, especially in emerging markets, improved margins, and delivered strong long term returns (Unilever, 2018). He argued that long term value and social value reinforce one another (Polman and Winston, 2021). Drucker had long dismissed the idea that ethical leadership conflicts with economic effectiveness (Drucker, 1999). Even with strong performance, tension remained. Certain investors disliked the refusal to play the quarterly guidance game. Some environmental advocates believed Unilever could have moved faster on issues such as plastics. Drucker never said that Management as a Liberal Art would eliminate conflict. He said that it would give leaders a moral compass for navigating conflict in a transparent way (Drucker, 1989). Polman seemed to follow that guidance by making tradeoffs visible and by emphasizing choices that protected dignity, stability, and ecological viability (Drucker, 1990). Building a Network of Responsible Institutions After leaving Unilever, Polman co founded Imagine, an organization that works with senior executives to accelerate progress toward the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (Polman and Winston, 2021). This next step reinforces the idea that sustainability for Polman is a theory of governance rather than a branding strategy. Drucker believed that modern society relies on networks of responsible institutions. These include corporations, governments, and nonprofit organizations that understand their interdependence and act accordingly (Drucker, 1946 and 1993). Polman’s post CEO work attempts to strengthen that network. He is essentially trying to rebuild the trust and cooperation among institutions that Drucker warned could erode in a fragmented society (Drucker, 1999). The Legacy of a Modern Druckerian Paul Polman’s leadership at Unilever provides one of the clearest contemporary examples of Drucker’s idea of Management as a Liberal Art. He treated the corporation as a civic institution rather than a simple profit generator. He wove climate stability, labor dignity, and social inclusion into the core of strategic planning. He asked brands to earn moral legitimacy. He emphasized supply chains as human communities. He took personal risks by arguing that corporations hold responsibility for the future of the planet on which their operations depend (Polman and Winston, 2021). In Drucker’s language, Polman practiced stewardship. He demonstrated that management concerns human beings, the communities they inhabit, and the ecological systems that support them (Drucker, 1989 and 1990). In an era shaped by climate upheaval, inequality, and declining institutional trust, Polman shifted the central question. Instead of asking whether companies can afford to care, he asked whether they can survive if they refuse to care at all. References Drucker, P. F. (1946). The concept of the corporation. New York: The John Day Company. Drucker, P. F. (1989). The new realities: In government and politics, in economics and business, in society and world view. New York: Harper & Row. Drucker, P. F. (1990). Managing the non-profit organization: Practices and principles. New York: HarperBusiness. Drucker, P. F. (1993). Post-capitalist society. New York: HarperBusiness. Drucker, P. F. (1999). Management challenges for the 21st century. New York: HarperBusiness. Polman, P., & Winston, A. (2021). Net Positive: How courageous companies thrive by giving more than they take. Harvard Business Review Press. Unilever. (2010). Unilever Sustainable Living Plan. Unilever PLC. Unilever. (2018). Sustainable sourcing and livelihoods progress report. Unilever PLC. World Business Council for Sustainable Development. (2019). Business leadership for a net-zero economy.
By Bo Yang Ph.D. December 10, 2025
Peter Drucker suggested that readers view his first three books as a unified body of work: The End of Economic Man(1939), The Future of Industrial Man (1942), and Concept of the Corporation (1946). These works share a common theme: politics. Drucker did not think about politics like scholars who strictly follow modern social science norms. Instead, he viewed politics as part of social ecology and understood political events through the dynamic changes in social ecology. Despite having "corporation" in its title and using General Motors as a case study, Concept of the Corporation is indeed a book about politics. In this work, Drucker attempts to address the main issues that industrial society must resolve: the legitimacy of managerial authority, the status and function of managers and workers, and the power structure of society and organizations. In Drucker's own words, this is a book exploring the specific principles of industrial society. Corresponding to these specific social principles, Drucker had earlier attempted to develop a general social theory, which was the aim of The End of Economic Man and The Future of Industrial Man. The subtitle of The End of Economic Man is "The Origins of Totalitarianism." The book focuses on how society disintegrates in industrial societies and how totalitarianism rises. For Drucker, the real challenge of this topic isn't explaining how Hitler and Mussolini came to power, nor the actions of Germany and Italy in government, military, and economic spheres. Rather, it's understanding why some Europeans accepted clearly absurd totalitarian ideologies, and why others seemed potentially receptive to them. Drucker's writing style is argumentative. He clearly knew that to effectively advance his arguments, he needed to engage with popular theories of his time. Back then, there were two main explanatory approaches to Nazism and Fascism, which Drucker termed "illusions." Some viewed totalitarianism as ordinary political turmoil similar to previous historical revolutions. In their view, totalitarianism was characterized merely by cruelty, disruption of order, propaganda, and manipulation. Others considered totalitarianism a phenomenon unique to Germany and Italy, related to their specific national characters. Drucker thoroughly refuted explanations based on "national character." He believed that any historical approach appealing to "national character" was pseudo-history. Such theories always emphasize that certain events were inevitable in certain places. But all claims of "inevitability" negate human free will and thus deny politics: without human choice, there is no politics. If the rise of totalitarianism were inevitable, there would be no need or possibility to oppose it. Viewing totalitarianism as an ordinary revolution is equally dangerous. This thinking merely emphasizes how bad Nazis and Fascists were. But the real issue is that Europeans were not merely submitting out of fear—they were actually attracted to totalitarianism. And those attracted weren't just the ignorant masses but also well-educated intellectual elites, especially the younger generation. The world cannot defeat totalitarianism through contempt alone, especially if that contempt stems from ignorance. Understanding the enemy is a prerequisite to defeating it. Drucker identified three main characteristics of Nazism and Fascism (totalitarianism is a social type, with Nazism and Fascism being its representatives in industrialized Europe): 1. The complete rejection of freedom and equality, which are the core beliefs of European civilization, without offering any positive alternative beliefs. 2. The complete rejection of the promise of legitimate power. Power must have legitimacy—this is a long-standing tradition in European politics. For power to have legitimacy means that it makes a commitment to the fundamental beliefs of civilization. Totalitarianism denied all European beliefs, thereby liberating power from the burden of responsibility. 3. The discovery and exploitation of mass psychology: in times of absolute despair, the more absurd something is, the more people are willing to believe it. The End of Economic Man develops a diagnosis of totalitarianism around these three characteristics. Drucker offers a deeper insight: totalitarianism is actually a solution to many chronic problems in industrial society. At a time when European industrial society was on the verge of collapse, totalitarians at least identified the problems and offered some solutions. This is why they possessed such magical appeal. Why did totalitarianism completely reject the basic beliefs of European civilization? Drucker's answer: neither traditional capitalism nor Marxist socialism could fulfill their promises of freedom and equality. "Economic Man" in Drucker's book has a different meaning than in Adam Smith's work. "Economic Man" refers to people living in capitalist or socialist societies who believe that through economic progress, a free and equal world would "automatically" emerge. The reality was that capitalism's economic freedom exacerbated social inequality, while socialism not only failed to eliminate inequality but created an even more rigid privileged class. Since neither capitalism nor socialism could "automatically" realize freedom and equality, Europeans lost faith in both systems. Simultaneously, they lost faith in freedom and equality themselves. Throughout European history, people sought freedom and equality in different social domains. In the 19th century, people projected their pursuit of freedom and equality onto the economic sphere. The industrial realities of the 20th century, along with the Great Depression and war, shattered these hopes. People didn't know where else to look for freedom and equality. The emerging totalitarianism offered a subversive answer: freedom and equality aren't worth pursuing; race and the leader are the true beliefs. Why did totalitarianism reject the promise of power legitimacy? One reason was that political power abandoned its responsibility to European core beliefs. Another reason came from the new realities of industrial society. Drucker held a lifelong view: the key distinction between industrial society and 19th-century commercial society was the separation of ownership and management. The role of capitalists was no longer important. Those who truly dominated the social industrial sphere were corporate managers and executives. These people effectively held decisive power but had not gained political and social status matching their power. When a class's power and political status don't match, it doesn't know how to properly use its power. Drucker believed this was a problem all industrial societies must solve. Totalitarianism keenly perceived this issue. The Nazis maintained property rights for business owners but brought the management of factories and companies under government control. This way, social power and political power became unified. This unified power was no longer restricted or regulated—it became the rule itself. Why could totalitarianism make the masses believe absurd things? Because Europeans had nothing left to believe in. Each individual can only understand society and their own life when they have status and function. Those thrown out of normal life by the Great Depression and war lost their status and function. For them, society was a desperate dark jungle. Even those who temporarily kept their jobs didn't know the meaning of their current life. The Nazi system could provide a sense of meaning in this vacuum of meaning—though false, it was timely. Using the wartime economic system, the Nazis created stable employment in a short time. In the Nazi industrial system, both business owners and workers were exploited. But outside the industrial production system, Nazis created various revolutionary organizations and movements. In those organizations and movements, poor workers became leaders, while business owners and professors became servants. In the hysterical revolutionary fervor, people regained status and function. Economic interests were no longer important, freedom and equality were no longer important; being involved in the revolution (status) and dying for it (function) became life's meaning. The Nazis replaced the calm and shrewd "Economic Man" with the hysterical "Heroic Man." Though absurd, this new concept of humanity had appeal. What people needed was not rationality but a sense of meaning that could temporarily fill the void. Those theorists who despised totalitarianism only emphasized its evil. Drucker, however, emphasized its appeal. He viewed totalitarianism as one solution to the crisis of industrial society. From 19th-century commercial society to 20th-century industrial society, the reality of society changed dramatically. 19th-century ideas, institutions, and habits could not solve 20th-century problems. Capitalism could not fulfill its promises about freedom and equality, and neither could Marxism. It was at this point that totalitarianism emerged. Nazism and Fascism attempted to build a new society in a way completely different from European civilization. Drucker said the real danger was not that they couldn't succeed, but that they almost did. They addressed the relationship between political power and social power, proposed alternative beliefs to freedom and equality (though only negative ones), and on this basis provided social members with new status and function. The war against totalitarianism cannot be waged merely through contempt. Defeating totalitarianism is not just a battlefield matter. Those who hate totalitarianism and love freedom must find better solutions than totalitarianism to build a normally functioning and free industrial society. Totalitarianism gave wrong and evil answers. But they at least asked the right questions. Industrial society must address several issues: the legitimacy of power (government power and social power), individual status and function, and society's basic beliefs. These issues became the fundamental threads in Drucker's exploration of industrial society reconstruction in The Future of Industrial Man. The Future of Industrial Man: From Totalitarian Diagnosis to General Social Theory Both The End of Economic Man and The Future of Industrial Man feature the prose style of 19th-century historians. Even today, readers can appreciate the author's profound historical knowledge and wise historical commentary. For today's readers, the real challenge of these two books lies in Drucker's theoretical interests. He doesn't simply narrate history but organizes and explains historical facts using his unique beliefs and methods. In The End of Economic Man, Drucker developed his diagnosis of totalitarianism around three issues: power legitimacy, individual status-function, and society's basic beliefs. In The Future of Industrial Man, he also constructs a general social theory around these three issues. In "What Is A Functioning Society," Drucker explains three sets of tensions that exist in social ecology: 
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